(interviewer) This is
Thomas (s/l Nockham)
with the National
World War II Museum.
Today I’m with Mr.
Arthur Seltzer.
And for the record, please
tell me your full name.
(Arthur Seltzer)
My name is Arthur Seltzer.
(interviewer) And when
and where were you born?
(Arthur) I was born in Norfolk,
Virginia, on December 9, 1923.
(interviewer) Tell me your
recollections of the
Great Depression.
(Arthur) As far as the
Depression, I was a youngster.
And my father owned
a broom factory in
Norfolk, Virginia,
where I was born.
And we came to Philadelphia.
My mother got homesick, since
she lived in Philadelphia.
And my father actually
made a lot of money
in the broom factory
which he sold.
And when he came
to Philadelphia,
he took very sick.
And he was in the hospital.
And my mother came to
visit him quite often.
And the last time she
came to visit him, my
father said, “When you
come tomorrow, make
sure you go to the
bank first and
draw all our money
out of the bank.”
Now, we’re talking about
‘28, ‘29 at that time.
And my mother, naturally,
being good, the
bank first—please go
to the bank—but when
she got there, it was too late,
because all the
banks were closed.
And my father and mother
lost just about everything
they had made from their
broom factory, which
was quite a lot of money.
And they had to
start over again.
So being a youngster at
that time, naturally
they couldn’t afford
to give me the things
that children would
get, although I seem
to have grown up to
be pretty well-off.
So that’s just what I can
remember about the Depression.
I know it was very
hard for my parents at
that time, naturally,
having three children
and trying to support them.
(interviewer) What were you
doing before the war started?
(Arthur) Well, before the
war started, naturally I
was going to Olney High School
in Philadelphia, where we lived.
And I was involved, and I
was a football player,
I played basketball, and
I also played tennis.
I played three sports
which I won letters with.
And I also was in the
a cappella choir, and
I performed in quite
a few shows that the
school put on at that time.
After graduating from
Olney High, naturally my
parents couldn’t afford
to send my brother,
who was older than I was,
and myself to college.
But I happened to see
a full-page ad in the
Evening Bulletin, which
was a Philadelphia
paper, that the Signal
Corps was looking for
people that they would
send to college.
If they were drafted, would
go into the Signal Corps.
I went down to 5000
Wissahickon Avenue, where
the Signal Corps was
located, and took the
examination, and I passed.
And I was sent to
the University of
Pittsburgh, where I
finished one year.
And then I was drafted into
the Army in February of 1943.
I was at eighteen years of
age when I was drafted.
(interviewer) Tell me more about
the training you received
once you were drafted.
(Arthur) When I was drafted
into the Army, naturally
I had received a
lot of letters of
commendation from
the Signal Corps.
And I went to
Indiantown Gap, where
I was inducted at that time.
And naturally, when I
arrived there, I started
off by saying, “I want to
be in the Signal Corps.”
And some guy with a lot
of stripes told me
that, “You don’t even
have a uniform yet.
Why don’t you wait and
see until we give
you a uniform and you
take tests and all.”
I said, “Well, I have
all these letters.”
And naturally, I was
very impatient.
And finally, I decided to wait.
Anyway, after I was
inducted into the unit,
I’d say about a week
later, we were loaded
onto a train.
And I was thought I was
going to Fort Monmouth,
New Jersey, which is the
Signal Corps school.
And as the train
took off, I seemed
to think the train
was heading west.
And I knew I wasn’t
going to New Jersey.
And then I said, oh, I
must be going to Fort
Monmouth, New Jersey,
which is—I’m sorry,
to Camp Crowder, which
was the other Signal
Corps school, which
is located out west.
Well, later the train
was headed south.
And I figured, gee,
this is not good.
And about a few days later,
the train pulled in.
And as I looked out the
window, I see this big sign.
“Home of the 99th
Infantry Division.”
When I got off the
train, I started
to holler, “I’m in
the wrong place.”
And naturally, a guy
comes up to me.
He says, “You got a
problem, soldier?”
I said, “I’m supposed to be in
Fort Monmouth, New Jersey.”
He says, “Well, you’re
now in Camp Van Dorn,
Mississippi, which
is the home of the
99th Infantry Division.
And if I was you, I
would get in line.”
So naturally—he had
a lot of stripes.
I thought that was important.
I better get in line.
So I did.
And when I got to the
barracks where I was
supposed to be, I figured,
now, how am I going
to get to Signal Corps
if I’m in the infantry?
And I finally see this guy
with all the stripes,
and I found out later
that he was the first
sergeant of this group
that I was involved in.
I spoke to him, and
I said, “Can I
speak to the
commanding officer?”
And he says, “You
seem to be always in
trouble since you got
in the service.”
I said, “Well, if I’m
going to serve my
country, I think they
should put me where
I could do the most good.
I’ve been trained and have some
schooling with the
Signal Corps.”
Well, thank god, he let me speak
to the commanding officer.
And when the commanding
officer read all the
letters and so forth,
he said he didn’t
know what he could do for me.
And he said, “But
you’ve got to finish
your basic training
before anything.”
So naturally, I went through
my complete basic training.
And when we were on
maneuvers at the
end of my training
in Mississippi.
In the middle of the
night, I get a call to
report to the commanding
officer, and he told
me that I was being
transferred to Baltimore,
Maryland, to a
Signal Corps school.
Naturally, I thanked him.
And the next day, I
was on the way to the
Signal Corps school,
where I was taught to
operate this special radio
equipment, which was VHF.
At that time, it
was very secret,
but today, naturally,
it’s nothing.
But it was the beginning
of radio lengths
which was telephone,
teletype, and pictures
without wire.
Upon completion of
the school, I was
sent back to the 99th Infantry.
But I was stationed—I
was attached
to the 99th Signal Company.
Upon being with the
99th Signal Company, I
was with them in Paris,
Texas at the time,
and then I was told
to report to the
company commander
about a week later.
And I was told I was
being transferred
to Camp Polk, Louisiana, to the
4th Armored Signal Battalion.
And naturally, I had not
received any furloughs
at the time, and I was
on the way to Camp
Polk, Louisiana, which I
arrived a few days later.
And I was told when I
arrived there that the
4th Armored Signal
Battalion was preparing
to go overseas.
And this was in March of ’44.
We went to Camp
Shanks, New York,
and we were there
for about a week.
And then we left on the Queen
Elizabeth, and we went overseas.
We crossed the Atlantic
without an escort,
because the Queen Elizabeth
could travel quicker
than a convoy.
And we landed in
Glasgow, Scotland.
And from there, we took
the train down to a town
below Liverpool called
Congleton, Cheshire.
And there we started our
training for D-Day.
There is an island off
of the coast of England
called the island of
Wight, and it’s spelled
with a W-I-G-H-T.
And there we were sending
messages in hope that
the German Army would
pick up our messages.
And the reason was we
were hoping they would
realize that the invasion
was going to come
from Calais, France.
And we were hoping they
would move all the
panzer divisions up
there, because Hitler
was in charge of all the
panzer divisions, and
no one could move a panzer
division without his okay.
By the way, a panzer
division is a tank division.
And naturally, the
Germans had probably
the best tanks that
were available.
From the town of Calais
where I was station—I’m
sorry, up north past
Liverpool—we went to Bristol.
And there we still operated.
And then I was called to
the commanding officer
and told that I was
being transferred down
to Portsmouth to be attached
to the 29th Division,
where I was going to be
involved in the D-Day invasion.
The equipment that I was
operated was normally
put into a trailer, and
the trailer was attached
to a half-track.
That was the way we
operated this equipment.
And there was two units.
One was forward, and
one was in the rear.
When I went down to
Portsmouth, naturally the
trailer and my tank—trailer
and my half-track
went with me.
But that was loaded
onto another ship.
And I was loaded onto another
ship with the 29th Infantry.
We were on this ship for
about, I’d say, five days.
And on June the 5th—
it was raining for the
last three days down
there, and we were
waiting, and finally,
on June the 5th, we got
the okay that we were going
to be in the invasion.
And the ships pulled
out of Portsmouth on
the 5th, and we started
across the English Channel.
Naturally, the sea
was pretty rough
because of the
weather conditions.
And when we got about,
I would say, three
quarters of the way over,
which was the beginning
of June the 6th, the
sergeant in charge of the
landing craft that I
was attached to asked
me if I would like to
sign a dollar bill.
He asked all of his men
to sign a dollar bill.
There’s thirty-six men
to a landing craft.
And the landing craft,
by the way, are the
Higgins boats, which were
built in New Orleans
by Mr. Higgins himself.
But that’s why they
were called Higgins.
But naturally, they
were landing craft.
And I said sure, I’d be very
happy to sign the dollar bill.
And that dollar bill I
still have on this time.
And as I said before, my
dollar bill has thirty-six
names on it, which
include my own plus the
other thirty-five on there.
On 6:30 or 7:00 in the
morning, we went over
the side of the ships
into landing crafts.
And we were in the
third and fourth
wave that were to
hit Omaha Beach.
The first and second waves
that hit the beach,
about 80% of them were
casualties immediately.
They were either
wounded or killed.
When we reached the
shore, before we went
off the landing craft,
I had a radio which
was attached to my back,
which was the communications
that I was operating
from the landing craft
back to the ship.
Naturally, I still did
not have my original
equipment, which was
on another ship, and
which would not come ashore
until the beach was secured.
When we landed, we were
told to go over the
side of the ship rather
than out the front.
We had a better chance.
And naturally, over
the side we went.
And when I went in,
I can’t swim, and
with all the equipment,
down I went.
I had two choices:
one was either
to drown, or take
my chances above.
And I figured, I’ll
take my chances above.
And when I came up, I
found out there were
quite a few of us that
couldn’t swim, and
we helped each other between
bullets flying all over.
And we finally got to the beach.
Naturally, you could
not dig a foxhole into
sand, because as quick
as you dug, that’s
as quick as it
filled up with sand.
So we hid behind dead
bodies, wounded,
wherever we could
find a place to hide.
And the machine guns
on top—down at the
bluff and the big guns
on top of the bluff
were firing down on
the beach constantly.
And naturally, we were
looking for any place
that we could hide and hope
that we could survive.
Omaha got the name
of Bloody Omaha.
Again, I would say—I
guess it was probably
late in the afternoon
of June the 6th when
we were finally able to
make our way off the beach.
And when I was walking
along the beach, I
happened to bump into
the sergeant that was
in charge of our landing craft.
And he told me that
he and I were the
only two that were
able to survive.
Most of his men were either
killed or casualties
from wounds.
So I could not believe that God
must have been with me that day.
But he and I were the
only ones to survive.
Naturally, he went
off the beach.
I still had to wait
until they started to
finally load the equipment
onto the beach,
until my trailer and my
half-track came ashore,
which wasn’t until late
that day of June the 6th.
(interviewer) So once you got
your equipment you moved a
little bit further inland?
(Arthur) Once the equipment
arrived, naturally the
rest of my crew came with
me and we started out.
And we started to
move into France.
And again, once we got
off the beach, things
were not as bad as it
was on the beach—but
still, there was plenty
of gunfire and so
forth—and naturally,
we in communication.
And the first big town
that we really came
to—we passed many small
towns, and naturally,
the French people were
so happy to see us,
that they were finally
free from the Germans,
and again, naturally
they treated us
with all kinds of
wine and so forth.
But then we came to
the town of Saint-Lô.
Saint-Lô is in the area
of the hedgerow country.
And hedgerow country is
very thick, and it’s
very hard to fight your way
through that kind of territory.
Saint-Lô was leveled
to the ground.
One day the United
States Army owned
it, the next day the
Germans owned it.
And this went on,
back and forth.
And naturally, Patton was not
involved in the D-Day invasion.
And finally Patton came
in at Saint-Lô, and
his job was to naturally
bring his tanks and
make his way throw the
hedgerow country.
And somewhere along the
line, I don’t know
who invented the piece
of equipment they put
on the front of the tanks
that was able to cut
through the hedgerow
country, and finally
we made our way out there.
As we proceeded,
we went from town
to town, fighting
our way through.
And I would say probably
the next big battle
that I was involved in was
the Battle of the Bulge.
And the Battle of the Bulge came
roughly in December of ’44.
And it was pretty cold.
It was snowing.
And we had not received our
winter equipment as yet.
So naturally, it was
pretty rough at that time.
And the 101st Airborne was
meanwhile surrounded
at Bastogne.
And I was attached at that
time, for communication
reasons, to the 7th
Armored Division.
And we moved all the
way up with Patton.
Naturally, Patton always told
everybody that he
could move fast.
And they said, “How you
going to get to Bastogne?”
He says, “I’ll get there, and
my men will be ready to fight.”
And he moved his troops.
Some of them naturally
were in tanks, some
walked, and then they
rotated and so forth.
And without a doubt, he
did get to Bastogne.
And naturally, everybody
knows the story of
what happened before
he got there, when the
German Army who had
them—the 101st—surrounded,
asked them to surrender,
and the general who
was in charge sent
a message back.
His favorite message was “Nuts.”
And the Germans didn’t
know what nuts meant.
And I’m sure there
was some other
wording in there besides nuts.
And I think he
probably told them
some other names besides that.
I happen to have a copy of
that letter in my book.
Again, I’d be glad to
show it to you after.
(interviewer) Where were you
while these events
were taking place?
(Arthur) Well, naturally, during
the time, I was operating
in a trailer with
communications, because
all communications
were back and forth.
We were up—since I was
in charge as platoon
leader of this group, I always
took the forward position.
And many times, our
trailer and half-tank
was ahead of our own artillery.
The other unit that
I was communicating
back to was at the
rear headquarters.
And there, we would
send the messages back
and forth so they would
know what was going on.
All messages from all the
units who were up front
came through our equipment
that we operated.
We also had a channel
for monitoring, so we
could listen into what
the messages were.
But the equipment that we
operated was naturally
foolproof to a certain
degree that it was
very hard to interpret.
So the Germans could
not—even if they got in,
they could not interpret,
because as the
message would run out, it was
blurred, what was
going through ways.
And it was very hard for them
to read what our messages were.
Then during the Battle of the
Bulge, as I said, it was cold.
I mean, real cold.
And when I was back in
England, you could not
get packages sent to you
unless you requested them.
And my parents always
wondered why I requested—so
at the time, it was
kind of warm, and I had
said, “Gee, maybe you can send
me some packages of Kool-Aid.”
And I figured, gee, we
get Kool-Aid, we’ll
mix it with some water,
and we’ll have some
nice drinks rather than water.
Well, that’s fine
in the summertime.
Well, the Kool-Aid arrived
during the wintertime.
And we put it in a big
can, and we didn’t know
about it, and we got
hit with bombardment,
and the can was outside.
And the next morning, we had
a frozen can of Kool-Aid.
And the guys said, “Well,
we can cut it open.
Then we make popsicles
out of it.”
But you know, we were
trying to make all kinds
of jokes during war to
take some of the relief
off you that you were in combat.
(interviewer) By what town
were you positioned nearby?
What area?
(Arthur) I was in the Ardennes
forest during this time.
And the Ardennes
forest is located
at the bottom of the Bastogne.
And in order to get
to Bastogne, you
have to go through
the Ardennes forest.
And naturally, when any
shells landed in there,
the trees—it was all
trees—the splinters
from the wood were worse
than bullet shots.
So that’s where we had
dug in at that time.
And naturally, being in the
trailer, we had
some better chance.
But most of the time,
you had a foxhole even
so, built outside of
the trailer, that if
you were getting
hit pretty hard,
you went for that foxhole.
(interviewer)
Did you do that a few times?
(Arthur)
Yes, we did.
Many times we were
in the foxhole.
And again, we did not
believe that we were
ever going to get out
of that forest, because
as I said before, it
was cold and we were
not prepared for this
winter situation.
And with the 101st up there
surrounded, it was pretty rough.
Until finally, Patton’s
7th, which we were
attached down at the
Ardennes, was finally
able to make his way
up to Bastogne.
(interviewer) When you were
located in Ardennes forest,
did you have many casualties
in your unit or wounds?
(Arthur) Well, again, we
were very fortunate, because
even though we were up
in front of our own
artillery, we weren’t
up in front where
the infantry was taking
the blunt of the battle.
So we were fortunate we
weren’t that far up.
But yet, most of our
shelling was coming from
artillery from the other
units, and that’s
where we had a better
chance to survive.
And our main objective
was that those shells
would not hit our
half-track or our trailer
where our radio equipment was.
Naturally, when we were
attached to a unit,
they didn’t want us
around them anyway.
And the reason being is
the direction finders
would zero in, and
there’s where they would
start to shell right away.
So they would put us out in
a field, away from them.
So most of the time,
that’s why we were
not up front where
the infantry was.
We were back most
of the time, behind
the artillery or in
front of artillery.
We finally were able
to get through, which
happened—the Battle
of the Bulge ended,
I believe, around
January the 25th.
I think it was probably
over at that time.
And from there, we
started to move again.
And our next stop was on
the way—we were going
through various towns
in Germany—Frankfurt
and so forth—and
the next big town
that we came to was
Munich, Germany.
(interviewer) Before we go any
further, sir, I want to ask
you, would you recall some
of the most communication
messages, the messages
you were receiving
and sending, during the
Battle of the Bulge?
(Arthur) Well, most of the
messages naturally were
coming from where
the locations were,
we need food, we
need ammunition.
Again, during the Battle
of the Bulge, the
skies were very—you
couldn’t fly planes
in at that time.
And naturally, we
were not getting
reinforced with
food or ammunition.
And that was most of
the messages, were we
need food, we need
ammunition, we need to
move certain troops
up here to help us.
The 101st Airborne was
calling for troops to
be moved up, and they
were trying to move—as
you know, during
the Battle of the
Bulge, they broke
through the lines.
And most of our infantry were at
not full strength at that time.
They were giving
some of the men some
time off from the
D-Day invasion.
So whenever they
could get a little
relief, they would give them.
So again, when the Battle
of the Bulge came,
we were not at full
strength at that time.
When we got to Munich
at that time, the war—I
would say it was
getting better for us.
We knew it was a matter of time
when this war was going to end.
And Munich is where
the Eagle’s Nest was.
And the Eagle’s Nest was
Hitler’s favorite place.
That’s where all of
the—(interview pauses)
As I was saying, most
of the messages we were
to bring up at—we got to
Munich, where Eagle’s
Nest was, and without a doubt,
the town is a great town.
Berchtesgaden.
And at that place, we
heard about a camp.
Now, from D-Day forward,
the marching orders
for the troops were always
to push the Germans
back, and if we came
across any prisoner of
war camps, we were to
free our troops that
were in the camp.
Those that could go back into
battle, make sure they got back.
Those that need to be sent to be
hospital, make sure,
and so forth.
So we never heard of
concentration camps.
And again, I’m not
saying that other
troops may have
heard about them.
But most of the
American troops did
not hear about
concentration camps.
When we took off from
Munich to move forward,
we were on a policing
mission, and it was
just a matter of time
that we would be—the
war we were hoping was
going to come to an end.
And as we moved out
of Munich and started
toward a town called
Dachau, we were going
through the fields
and moving forward.
And I happened to be
riding in the half-track
at that time, pulling
our trailer behind.
And as I was looking
through the field glasses
forward, we saw in the
distance barbed wire,
and we thought we saw a
prisoner of war camp.
And as we kept on
moving, I asked
a couple of the men in my unit.
I said, “Take a look.
Does that look like a
prisoner of war camp?”
And they said they
thought it was also.
But as we got closer, one
of the gentlemen who
had the field glasses said,
“Hey, sergeant. Take a look.
These guys seem to
have funny uniforms.”
And I said, “Well, maybe they
have prisoner of war uniforms.”
And normally, our
soldiers in prisoner
of war camps kept
their own uniform.
They were not given any uniform.
So I looked through the
field glasses, and
when I looked, I said,
“Gee, they look like
stripy pajamas.”
I said, “It looks like white
and black, from what I saw.”
And I said, “Gee, it’s funny.
We’re not getting any firing
from up there neither.
It seems awful quiet up there.”
And as we kept on moving
forward—and naturally,
we were with the 7th
Armored—sorry, I was
attached to the 20th
Armored at that time.
And as we were moving
forward, I said,
“Gee, there’s not much gunfire.
Things are too quiet.”
We were following
behind, and naturally,
we were letting these
tanks go first.
We figured that’s
better support for us.
(laughs) We’ll
hang back a little
bit in case something
breaks out.
And as we got close,
real close, we see these
iron gates, and we see,
like, shriveled up
bodies standing up, and up
against this fence and all.
And naturally, the
commander in charge of
this group that’s
moving with the tanks
finally got to the gate.
And when they got to the
gate, they broke in.
There was no resistance
at all there.
And we saw all these dead
bodies lying around.
And that was the
first time that we
had heard of a
concentration camp.
And the name of
the concentration
camp was called Dachau.
And it was named for the town of
Dachau, which is
located not too far.
You know, it’s right
down the street.
And again, a lot
of information I
found out later, after the war.
I was able to find
out about this camp.
But at that time we went
into the camp, and when
we saw these people, they
looked half-starved.
And we didn’t know.
We took our K-rations, and
we started to give the
K-rations to these people
that were half-starved.
And at that time, the
commander of the 20th
told us they had to use
our communications
to get back to Army
headquarters immediately.
And I didn’t know at the
time, but what they
were communicating
back was they wanted
Eisenhower, they wanted
all the big officers
to come up to this camp,
because they felt
that this was the first
concentration camp
that the United States Army
had liberated—they thought.
They weren’t sure.
Later on, after the
war was over, I found
out that the 42nd
Infantry, the 45th, and
the 20th were involved
in liberating this camp.
This was on Sunday
the 29th, 1945,
that we came upon this camp.
And when we got there,
it was around noontime.
And again, it was unbearable,
what we saw there.
And naturally, it
was more unbearable
for me, because I was Jewish.
And to think that these
people, they did nothing
wrong except being Jewish,
but they were killed.
And again, the next
day, which was Monday,
we heard the sirens and
naturally, we knew
immediately Eisenhower was
arriving at the camp.
Now, being with the Signal
Corps, I was issued
a camera way back,
along with my—and we
were told, anytime anybody
in the Signal Corps—not
only our unit, all
units—were told if they
saw anything especially
of interest, they
were to take pictures
and make sure it got
back to the Signal Corps.
And again, most of this was
used later on, as we found out.
In fact, some of the
pictures that were taken
at Dachau were used in
a movie at that time,
which recently I just
happened to see,
which was the trials
of Nuremberg.
These pictures were used.
At that time, I never
knew they would be used.
And I don’t know if
it was my pictures
were used or whose
pictures were used.
But we did take pictures of this
camp, of what was going on.
And General Eisenhower made sure
that plenty of
pictures were taken.
He also called the mayor
of Dachau to the camp,
and he told him that
he wanted the whole
town to be brought to this camp.
And this was Monday.
On Tuesday, all the
townspeople were brought
to the camp, and they
were made to go around
this camp and take a look
at what was going on there.
And naturally, they all
stated they didn’t
know what was going on
there, which is hard
for anyone to believe,
that the town is so
close and not knowing
what was going on there.
I found out later, after
the war was over,
that this camp was an
experimental camp, and
all the inmates were
used for the experiments
of the camp, and that
all concentration camps
were run by the SS troopers.
And the SS troopers would
come every weekend
to the camps and pick
up all of the notes
about the experiments
that were run.
And that way, they
could use them to help
their soldiers do better
jobs, whatever it may be.
So to tell me that the
people in the town were
not aware of it is
pretty hard to believe.
General Eisenhower also made the
people pick up these bodies.
And naturally, there was
a trench that was built.
And what they did, we
found out—they had a
bulldozer, and they
would make a trough,
a long trough, and then
they would take the
bulldozer, and push the
dead bodies into the
trough, and cover it with lime,
and then cover it with dirt.
That’s the way they killed
these Jews and the inmates.
All concentration camps,
not only did they
have Jews, they had
gypsies in there, and
they had a few
Germans who didn’t
believe in Hitler’s program.
But most of them were
Jewish people in there.
And this is the way
they got rid of them.
Naturally, they were
given orders that when
they knew that the
United States Army was
on the move, to get ready, get
rid of as many as possible.
When we were moving up
this hill, by the way,
we saw smoke coming out
of a stack, and we
couldn’t figure
what the smoke was.
When we got to the camp,
we realized what it was.
It was a crematory where
they were burning bodies.
The ashes were still warm,
which I took pictures
of, which—it was just an
unbearable situation.
Again, most of the troops,
after being there
three days, the 20th
Armored moved on.
And again, I took as many
pictures as possible,
and then I moved also
on forward, until we
reached the Elbe River.
And the Elbe River is where
met the Russian Army.
And that’s where the
war ended for me.
That’s where the war
came to an end.
Again, as I said, that
situation at Dachau
is a situation that I
will never forget.
Again, if I may state,
it was sixty-six years
later that I returned
and retraced my steps
from England all the
way up to Munich,
Germany, where I visit
the camp of Dachau.
(interviewer)
How long were you at the camp?
(Arthur)
The first time?
(interviewer)
Yes, sir.
When you originally
were at the camp.
(Arthur) When we first went into
Dachau, I was there three days.
Normally, you don’t
stay there too long.
You normally move
out right away.
But since this was such
a special situation,
I was told to stay an
extra couple days.
And then I moved
along with the 20th
Armored Division as
we moved forward.
(interviewer) Were you close
to any top brass when you
moved into the camp?
(Arthur)
I saw Eisenhower.
I naturally—he was
too busy to see.
I took a picture at the time.
Again, all my pictures had to be
turned over to the Signal Corps.
And some of these pictures I was
able to bring home with me.
(interviewer) Were you able to
talk to some of the survivors?
(Arthur) Again, I naturally—in
high school, I took up German.
Oh, you had to take a
language in high school.
And I picked German.
Why, I don’t know.
I think I picked it
because being Jewish,
I thought it was close
to my religion.
(laughs) I could
understand a little bit,
because German and Jewish
sometime are pretty close.
And it did help me a
little bit at the
camp to be able to
talk to the camp.
By the way, one of the
things I forgot to
tell you—when we arrived
at the camp, there
was only six SS troopers
left, and two police dogs.
These are killer police dogs.
The six SS troopers
left were the lowest
of the SS troopers
that were left.
As weak as these people
were, if we would
allow them to, they
would have killed these
six SS troopers.
But naturally, we had to
send them back to the
rear to be interrogated
for any information
they could get out.
And again, as I said,
as weak as they
were, they would
have killed them.
And again, as I said,
when we were giving
them the K-rations, we
thought we were doing
the right thing.
When the medical group got
there, they immediately
stopped it, and they
told us that was the
worst thing that we could do.
And again, they took over.
And what happened to the people
in the camp, I can’t answer.
But I did find out
after the war, when
I got involved in
talking about this.
After the war was
over, I came home.
I was discharged.
And I never wanted to
talk about the war.
I wanted to forget about it.
And I felt that I had
done what I had to do,
and I wanted to get back
to, one, going back
to college, which I
did; I wanted to
get a job and make
a life for myself.
My mother and father passed
away not knowing what I did.
They did know I was
involved in D-Day, but
they never knew I liberated
a concentration camp.
When my granddaughter
was in seventh grade,
she called me up and
she said, “Grandpa,
I got to do a report
on the Holocaust.
Do you know anything about it?”
Now, in the state
of New Jersey, the
Holocaust is mandatory
in all schools.
I hope that someday
it’ll be mandatory
in all the states of
the United States.
I know it’s just
been approved in
Texas, where it is
now mandatory also.
There is many states that it’s
mandatory, but it’s
not in every state.
And I helped her with
the report, and I told
her as much as I knew,
and she went home.
I said, “You’ve got
to do the report.
I gave you some information.
You put it in your own words.
That’s what you do.”
And she called me back
a week later and told
me she got an A on the
report, and the teacher
asked her where she
got the information.
She said, “From my grandpa.”
And she says,
“Grandpa, guess what?
I volunteered you to
speak in school.”
And I said, “Elise, I
don’t speak in school.
I don’t speak
anywhere about this.”
She says, “You
can’t let me down.
All my schoolmates want to meet
you and want to hear about it.”
I said, “Elise, I don’t talk.”
So I said to my wife,
“What should I do?”
And she says, “I guess you
better go and speak.”
Well, naturally, as
a grandfather, you
don’t let your
granddaughter down.
So I went to the school,
and I would not show
the pictures, and I
told them a little bit
about what it was and tried to
be as calm as I could about it.
And when I was all
done, the teacher said
to me, “You know,
you’re not doing the
right thing.”
She said, “You were there.
You saw what happened.
There are so many people stating
that this Holocaust
never happened.
You should talk about it.”
And I went home and I
said to my wife, “You
know, the teacher said I’m
not doing the right thing.
She said I should
talk about this.”
So my wife said, “Well,
what are you going to do?”
So we belong to the JCC,
and I came down here
and I met a young lady
by the name of Helen
Kershaw who runs the
Holocaust museum here.
And she’s very involved in it.
And naturally, she was
so happy to see me as
being a liberator,
because liberators were
hard to find.
And naturally, since I
have met Helen Kershaw,
over many years, I have
talked at many schools
to many schoolchildren, and
I’ve received many letters.
And many of the children
were very happy to
hear from a liberator
the true story, because
naturally, they
read about it, but
to hear someone that was there.
And there’s too
many stories going
around that this didn’t happen.
Again, a liberator—the
most important thing
for me, being a
liberator, was to be able
to find someone
that I liberated.
And again, I had been
hunting and hunting to
see if I could find
someone that I liberated.
And in November of 2009,
my niece who lives
in Florida who finally
found out about me
was in Ohio visiting
some of her friends
there, and she went to
the Holocaust museum.
And there she saw a list of six
survivors who lived in Ohio.
They’re still alive.
And she went back to
her friend’s home, and
they got on the phone
and they called,
and they located one of them.
And she said that her
uncle was a liberator.
“Could he call your husband?”
She spoke to the wife.
And she said yes.
And my niece called me and
gave me the phone number.
In November, I called
this phone number, and
I spoke to the wife
first, and then she put
her husband on the phone.
And he said to me, he
remembers the whole incident.
And I said to him, “How old
were you at that time?”
And he says he believes he
was sixteen years of age.
And I said, “Do you
remember—I took a picture
before I left of a
lot of the inmates
lined up against the fence.”
And he says, “Yes.
And I’m in that picture.”
And then I said, “Well,
I have that picture.
If I send it to you,
could you think
you could identify
which one is you?”
And he says he thinks he could.
Well, I sent the
picture to Ohio.
In January of 2010,
the beginning, I said
to my wife, “I’ve got
to call and wish
him a happy New Year.”
But more important,
I’d like to know if
he recognized himself
in the picture.
And when I call, his
wife answered the phone,
and she told me that
her husband was in the
hospital, that he wasn’t
doing too well, and
that from all he had
gone through, that
he had taken sick.
But she did say to me, “Do
you have your picture?”
I said, “Yes.”
And she said, “Get your
picture,” and I did.
And she said, “Please count
from left to right, six over.”
Or maybe it was four over.
And she said, “That’s
my husband.”
I have that picture,
and I’m going to be
able to show you a copy
of that picture, and
you’ll be able to use
that in your museum also.
And again, I did call
again to let him know
that I was going back
to retrace my steps,
and I was going to be in Dachau.
But when I called, the
number was discontinued,
and I was not able to
get in touch with him.
But I guess it was about
four weeks before I
went on my trip—I have
a niece and nephew
who live in Philadelphia
who volunteered
me to speak at their synagogue.
And I went over and
spoke in the synagogue.
And when I was done
speaking, a gentleman
came up, and he tapped
me on the shoulder,
and he said to me that
he wanted to thank
me first for speaking,
but he also wanted
to thank me for
saving his uncle.
And his uncle lives in
Sarasota, Florida, and
he was in that camp
also, and he’s alive.
And he said, “Will you
please call my uncle?”
I said, “No.
I would like you to
call him first, because
I don’t like to call,
because maybe they’re
not up to wanting to
talk to me, and I’d
like to get his
permission to call.”
And he called me on
Monday morning and
said he would love
to talk to me.
So I called him that
evening, and he got on
the phone, and he
started to talk to me.
And we talked.
And I asked him how old he was.
And he says, “I don’t know.”
So I said, “Well, how
old are you now?”
And he says, “I’m
eighty-five years old.”
I said, “Well then, I
know how old you were.
You were nineteen.”
He said, “How do you know that?”
I said, “Well, I’m eighty-six,
and I was twenty.
So you had to be a
year younger than me.”
And he said, “Boy, you’re fast.”
Anyway, we talked a
while, and then he told
me a story that brought
chills to my body,
and I could not
believe the story.
And he said that the
only people who knew the
story was his relatives
and his children.
And he says, “I’m going
to tell you the story.”
He says, “You remember when
you were in the camp.”
And I said, “Yes.”
And I also told him
about the picture.
He says, “I think I’m
in the picture also.”
And I told him I would
send him a picture.”
He said when things
quiet down at the camp,
he says another inmate
called out his name.
And his last name was Danziger.
And he kept on calling his name.
And finally he went
over to him, and he
said, “Why are you
calling my name out?”
And he said, “I want
you to come with me.”
And he took him to
another barracks, and he
said, “I want you to
come to this barracks.”
And when he got to the
barracks, he said he
went inside, and there
were six inmates lying
on the floor, but
they were too weak
to come out because
of lack of food.
They were all cuddled
together, lying on the floor.
And he told this man to please
call out your last name.
“Danziger!
Danziger!”
And he said, “Why?”
“Please call the name out.”
And he said, “So I
obeyed what the man told
me—the inmate—and I
called the name out.”
And he said all of a
sudden he heard from
behind this group,
this six men, he heard
the name, “Danziger.
Danziger.”
And when he looked down,
in the floor there
with the men he pushed
aside, he found out
the man was his father.
He could not believe
that his father and he
were in the same camp
and never knew it.
He also told me that
naturally, when we last—that
the Army first aid and
nurses and doctors
all took his father and
him to the hospital.
He said the Medical Corps
took good care of him.
And I didn’t say
anything, but he told me
that his father only lasted
two weeks in a hospital.
He told me that if would
not have arrived,
he’d doubt if they
would have been able
to last another couple weeks
because of lack of food.
He said we got there
in the nick of time.
Again, I called him
and told him that
I was going back to
retrace my steps.
And I asked him what
barracks he was in.
And he told me he was
in barracks four.
And I said fine.
Well, when I went on
my trip and I got to
Dachau—and when I got
there, naturally I
didn’t realize it—all the
barracks had been removed.
There’s only a couple
of them there, and
they’ve been transformed
into the museum
and the offices there.
And as I walked through
the camp, I couldn’t
believe it was the same
place I had liberated.
And again, where the
barracks were, in place
of the barracks there is
a cement block there.
And on each block is the
number of the barracks.
And there is the number
four on this barracks.
And I took a picture and
pointed to the number
four, and I will be
sending him this picture.
Again, I have this
picture, and I will
be happy to send
you a copy of it.
I did not bring it for this
interview, for which
I am very sorry.
So again, this is the situation.
And I am waiting for him to
return the picture to me.
While I was at the camp,
one of the ladies
there who runs the camp
gave me the name of
a gentleman who
lives in Chicago,
who was also in the camp.
And when I got back
just recently from my
trip, I called Chicago,
and I spoke to him.
And he also was in the camp.
He doesn’t remember
how old he was, but
he also asked me to
send him a picture to
see if he was along the fence.
He doesn’t remember, but
he said he may have been.
So again, that’s part
of what took place when
I returned to Dachau
on my trip retracing
my steps.
(interviewer) Do you recall
what they were saying—did
some newly-liberated
prisoners say
things to you when you
entered the camp?
(Arthur) Yes. And naturally,
most of them were speaking
Hebrew, which I
can’t do too well.
After I was bar mitzvah, I was
glad to get that over with.
But again, I tried
to make it out.
And they could not
believe that they were
liberated until we brought
the American flags in.
And we gave them the American
flag which we had at that time.
And again, it was pretty
hard for them to talk.
And again, most of them
said the same thing:
they did not believe they could
have survived much longer.
Because you know, I found
out later on, after I
was home, what a day in
their life was like.
They would get up in the
morning, first thing,
and most of them would
run for roll call for
one reason only, and the
reason they ran—because
when they got up in the
morning, they were
given a cup of black coffee.
And then they were hoping they
would be picked for
a work detail.
And if they were picked
for a work detail,
they got a slice of some
kind of sausage—what
it was, I don’t know—and
maybe half a slice of bread.
And that’s—(interview pauses)
Be given a slice of bread.
And the only reason
they went so fast was
to be—it would give
them something to eat.
The rest that were not
on a work detail got
nothing until which
would be lunch, which
was nothing actually
to speak about.
And this is what they
ran to and hoping
they would be on
the work detail.
I learned a lot of other
things, and I investigated,
again on my own, when I
got involved in speaking,
because I thought it was
very important that
I know as much about
Dachau as possible if
I’m going to talk
about it, since
I was a liberator of the camp.
Again, I found out later
on that at the height
of the war—the camp was
built in 1933, Dachau.
It was built to take
care of those people
who did not believe
in Hitler and what he
was doing, and naturally to
imprison as many
Jews as possible.
And that was the way of
eliminating Jewish people.
And as I said before,
the only crime
they committed was being Jewish.
And again, it was built to hold
roughly about 2000
to 3000 inmates.
At the height of the war,
there was 6600 inmates
in that camp, at the
height of the war.
I also found out later
on that each barracks
had an inmate that was
picked to be in charge
of the barracks.
And his job was to make
sure that they followed
the routine of the SS
troopers, what they
were supposed to do—make
sure they came to
roll call, blah blah
blah, and so forth.
And again, at roll call,
they would say to
each barracks chief,
“How many inmates do
you have in your barracks?”
And they would say,
“Well, we have
300 inmates in the barracks.”
“Well, tomorrow
morning at roll call,
we’d like to see 150 inmates.”
That meant they had to
get rid of 150 people.
It was their job to pick
someone to go to their death.
After they did this
maybe for about three
weeks, they went to
their death, and they
picked another barracks chief.
And this went on and on.
And this is what
they used to do.
I learned this later
on, as I investigated
more about what went
on in that camp.
And again, I can go
on and explain so
many different things
that they did.
But the most important
thing that they
did was the
experiments they did.
And all of the inmates
that were used for
the experiment, none
of them survived the
experiment, because
it was so—different
ones that they did, and
I have a whole list
of the various experiments that
they performed at
this death camp.
(interviewer) So after you came
back, tell me more about—after
you left the camp, you
went to the Elbe River.
(Arthur) After we left
Dachau, we moved forward.
Our main job was to
naturally keep on moving,
keep headquarters informed
what was going on.
And there wasn’t
too much going on.
Fighting was really
getting to be a lull.
And when we got—naturally,
we were hoping
that we were going to
get to Berlin first,
but we knew we weren’t,
because we had heard
that our final end was
the Elbe River, that
the Russians had the
right to go into Berlin.
And when we got to the
Elbe River, that’s where
we first met the Russian
Army, and that’s
when we met the
first—the Russian women
fighters, who were
unbelievable, and could
really drink their
gin and vodka.
(laughs) And that’s
where the war for me
came to an end, was
at the Elbe River.
Now, I had enough points to
come home in September of 1945.
And the war ended
when the war ended,
but I had enough
points to come home.
But the problem was the
4th Signal Battalion
were given instructions
that we had to put
in all the communications
from Paris up to
Bonn, Germany, which
was the capital of the
United States Army
after the war.
And after the
communications were
finished, then I was
able to come home.
And that happened
in January of 1946.
So I had an addition of roughly
about another four
or five months.
And I had never been home
on furlough except when
I went to the school in
Baltimore, Maryland,
and I was able to get
home a couple times.
So naturally, when I
got back to the United
States and got to be
discharged, I was happy
as a lark.
When I was discharged,
I came home.
And naturally, it
took me a couple
weeks to get myself together.
I was going to go to the
University of Miami to
finish my education, and
it was all planned.
I had sent my papers in.
And naturally, it was
under the GI Bill of
Rights, which paid for
my college education.
But also, we had a 52-20
club, and that was
for fifty-two weeks,
if you didn’t have
a job, you got $20 a week
from the government.
Well, I happened to go
downtown and was working
along Arch Street in
Philadelphia when I saw
these flags outside
of a building.
And I went in, and lo
and behold, I see all
this radio equipment
lying on the floor.
And I said, “Holy—guys,
that’s the
equipment I operated
during the war.”
And I figured these
gentlemen must
have got it in a
bid or something.
They were selling surplus
Army equipment—he
was selling it—plus a
lot of other stuff.
And I found out that he
was a distributor for
electronic component
parts to fix radios.
At the time, it was the
beginning of television.
And a guy walks
into the store, and
he saw me looking
at the equipment.
He says, “Oh, can you
tell me about it?”
I said, “I don’t work here.
I’m just looking.
I used to operate
this during the war.”
And he says, “Oh.
I was thinking of buying it.”
I said, “Well, what do
you want to do with it?”
He said, “Well,
I’m a radio ham.”
I said, “Oh, you
broadcast on the radio?”
He said, “Yeah.
Maybe I can convert this.”
I said, “Well, don’t
ask me about that.
I can only tell you
I operated it.
It was very good equipment.”
So he said, “Well, I
think I may buy one.”
I said, “Well, I’m sure they’ll
be glad to sell you one.”
And he went over to the
counter, and the guy—there
was another man
standing in back of me.
And when the guy walked
over to the counter,
the guy says to me, “Would
you like a job here?”
I said, “No.
Why?”
He said, “I own this place.”
I said, “Oh.
Well, that’s nice.”
I said, “No. I’m going to
the University of Miami,
"and I’m going to college.
I want to finish my education.”
And he said, “Well, I’ll
send you to college.”
I said, “You’re not going
to send me to college.
(laughs) The government’s
supposed to send me to college.
It’s paid for.”
He said, “Well, I’ll
pay you a big salary.”
I said, “How can you
pay me a big salary?
I’m getting $20 a
week for fifty-two
weeks for doing nothing.”
Anyway, he kept on talking
to me and talking to me.
Well, at the end of the
day, I go home and
I said to my father,
“You raised a dumb son.”
He said, “Why?”
I said, “I took a
job for $25 a week,
and I’ve got to
work on Saturdays.”
My father said, “You
did the right thing.”
And I went to night
school and graduated, and
I worked for this company
for forty-five years.
I was executive vice
president of the company.
And we became one of
the largest electronic
distributing companies
in the country, next
to—we were the second
largest in the country.
So my father was right.
(interviewer)
What’s the name of the company?
(Arthur)
Almo Electronics.
Again, we’re still in business.
And our whole business
changed around.
We’re up on Roosevelt Boulevard.
When I retired from Almo,
we were at Roosevelt
and—right where the airport
is, at the opposite
end of Whitman Chocolates.
They moved up to a new
building, and I’m
still in communication
with the people right now.
And again, the
gentleman who became
the—who is president
was a son-in-law.
He and I ran the company
for about—close
to about thirty-eight
years, he and I ran.
When his father-in-law
passed away, the company
was doing roughly
about—maybe $85 million.
When I retired with the company,
we were doing about
$160 million.
So the company grew
to be very big.
But the company has
completely changed.
They are distributors of all
weight goods now and television.
So the whole
business has changed
from what it used to be.
And also computers.
So they are still in business.
(interviewer) Tell me more
about meeting the Russians.
You said you met
the Russian women.
What was the impression you had
of Russian men, male soldiers?
(Arthur) Well, number one,
as you can appreciate, the
Russians had been fighting for
a long time before we were.
They really had a
rough time, and they
were really—they
could care less.
If you were German, they
put them out of action
immediately, one way or the
other got rid of them.
And that’s the way
they thought about it.
And again, as I said
before, I think if Patton
had his way, he would
have went to Berlin
in two days, because
he moved pretty fast.
But again, you know—I don’t
want to discuss it right now.
I don’t want to
discuss politics.
But again, Patton was
told that he would
do what he was told to do,
and that’s what he did.
He was not a good politician,
but he was a good general.
(interviewer) How long were
you near the Elbe River?
(Arthur) We were at the Elbe
River, I would say maybe
a week at the most, and then
we went back to a town.
I think it was called Palling,
Germany, if I
remember correctly.
And that’s where I
stayed until I was
finally given the
okay to go home.
(interviewer) While you were
there by the river, did you
hear reports of the
atrocities the Russians
were committing
against the Germans?
You kind of hinted
that a little bit.
(Arthur)
We got a little communication.
It was hard to
understand most of them.
Most of them didn’t
speak English.
We didn’t speak Russian.
And you know, most of
it was shaking hands,
slapping each other
on the back, drinking
with them.
And again, I’m not a
very big drinker.
(laughs) So I had to make sure I
stayed sober, so I
didn’t get drunk.
But most of it was that.
And again, we heard some of the
things they did and so forth.
And again, we heard
basically was Hilter dead
or not, and basically we heard
that he was at that time.
And we were trying to find
out how he was killed
or what happened to
him, and we couldn’t.
I didn’t find out until after.
Later on we found out,
when we got back to
our final place, which
was Palling, Germany,
is when we found out.
We knew he was dead, but how,
we didn’t know at that time.
(interviewer) Looking back the
war, did the war change your
life in any way?
(Arthur) Well, number one,
I believe I matured very
quickly compared to men of my
age coming out of high school.
You’ve got to remember, I was
eighteen when I was drafted.
I was nineteen when I
landed on Omaha Beach.
I was twenty when I
liberated this camp.
And as I told my grandson
who is twenty-five,
I missed the best years
of my life, because
nineteen, twenty,
twenty-one, and twenty-two
are the best years of college
schooling, which I missed.
Yes, I did graduate from
college, but I missed that.
(interviewer) What
is the impression
of World War II for America?
(Arthur) Well, I believe
that without a doubt, it was
a shame that the war
had to last that long.
But I thought it was the
right thing, because
if not—again, I was
interviewed by Fox News,
and the gentleman who
interviewed me stated
in his interview—which
I have a copy of
his letter he wrote
me, and I’ll show you
a copy of the letter—he
says if it wasn’t
for soldiers like myself
and all who fought
in World War II, we may
be speaking German
in this country now.
And how true that may have been.
So in this letter
he wrote, he points
that out, when he
spoke about that.
So believe that I had
to do what I had to do.
Yes, I was drafted.
I didn’t volunteer.
But when I did volunteer,
I did what I felt
was the best thing, to
get to Signal Corps,
where I thought I could
do the most for the Army.
(interviewer) In your opinion,
did World War II change the
rest of the world?
(Arthur)
In the beginning, I believe so.
As I look at what’s
going on in today’s
world, I would say no,
because I see the same
thing starting to take place all
over again, in
various countries.
Again, it is not such a thing
as—everyone should
live in peace.
I just don’t believe—I hope my
grandchildren someday
may see that.
But as of today, I don’t
see it happening.
There’s too many things going
on again, what’s going on.
Should we spend more
time and straighten out?
Look how many wars we’ve
been in since World War II.
And have we improved
our situation?
You know, I’m not a politician.
I know as an outsider
looking in, and being
as a World War II veteran,
I say, is all this
going down the
drain for nothing?
I hope it hasn’t.
So when I look at it, I
get really concerned.
You know, I am eighty-six
years of age, but I
think of my children
and my grandchildren,
what’s going on.
And their life is not an
easy life, and it should be.
I look at the kids, my
grandchildren, and all
three who finished
college who are paying
loans off.
Nothing’s being done
to help them. Nothing.
But yet when I see all
this money that went
to the bankers and all
to help them out, and
then all these big guys
got their bonuses,
this is not the
right thing to do.
Poor people who are working,
looking to get—they
wait every year to get
an increase in Social
Security, but the congressmen
took their increase.
But we didn’t get our
increase, Social
Security people who
need that money.
And now I hear it again,
and I see it in the paper.
There’s a second chance
that another year’s
going to go by without an
increase in Social Security.
It’s not right.
So again, we vote some
of these people in,
but I also know that
if they’re not doing
their job, we should
vote them out.
And one of the things
I tell the kids when
I speak in schools,
especially in the high
schools—these are the
future generation children.
These are the ones who are going
to take over after we leave.
And I tell them,
make sure—you’re
going to be voting soon.
Make sure—just don’t
look at the name.
Read about them.
Look about what have they
done up to this date.
Have they done
something worthwhile?
Do you think they will be
leaders in this country?
And if they are,
then vote for them.
If not, make sure you vote
for the right person.
Don’t let them push
anything down your throat.
You are the generation that
we are going to look after.
(interviewer) In your opinion,
what is the significance
of having the National
World War II Museum?
(Arthur) Without a doubt,
it’s the most important
thing that we can do.
The World War II Museum
without a doubt has
done the most—the
greatest thing to show
people who come to visit this.
And I hope that
everybody has the
opportunity to come
to visit this museum.
It’s one of the finest.
To be able to see what
World War II veterans
did—what any veteran
did, guys who have
fought, and now ladies who are
giving their lives
to this country.
A lot of people are not
aware what is going on.
Too many people have
their head in the
sand, and they’ve
got to come out.
They’re only
looking—their next-door
neighbor, what’s good for them.
And again, if more
neighbors would help
each other, this would
be a better country.
But without a doubt,
the museum is one of
the finest in the
country, and I’m glad
that I’m a charter member.
(interviewer) Thank
you very much.
Thank you for your service, sir.
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